An argument in support of the ratification of the proposed constitution which would replace America’s confederated system of government with a stronger, federal institution, The Federalist Papers provide an opportunity to examine the beliefs which prompted America’s reformation of state power as well as the deliberate formation of a national identity. Even within the select papers assigned (“Federalist #1-10, 14-15, 23-24, and 39”), a large range of topics are pursued by the authors. “Federalist #1-2” serve as an introduction to the question at hand; “Federalist #3-5” examine the benefits of a single union on the international stage; “Federalist #6-10” address the possibilities of conflict and faction within a confederated system as well as the proposed federal system; “Federalist #14-15” argue that the confederated system is inadequate and the federal system is viable; “Federalist 23-24” support a strong central government that is not limited in its ability to organize military forces. Lastly, “Federalist #39” explains how and why the proposed constitution is republican in nature. Because of its broad scope, it is not my intent to discuss each of these sections in relation to one another, and instead will address those sections which I found to be immediately revealing of the text’s position as a whole.
Within The Federalist Papers, it is immediately visible that the authors depend heavily upon Social Contract theory (Locke’s, particularly) for the justification of inwardly exerted power, as well as the realist position regarding the state’s outward presence in the international community. As early as “Federalist #2”, reference is made to the manner in which “the people must cede to [government] some of their natural rights,” an extremely Lockean manner of justifying state power, and later, in “Federalist #7,” Hamilton states his belief in the need for an “umpire or common judge” to resolve conflicts as they arise (Scigliano 2000: 8, 35). In addition to these Lockean beliefs, one may also repeatedly notice hints to Hobbes, for the authors are ostensibly arguing that the same ‘State of Nature’ that justifies the creation of a state also justifies the expansion of that state as far as it may go (while still making representation in the democratic republic feasible). In short, the newly formed states require a unifying abstraction greater than all of them so as to hinder one region from forcing its will upon its neighbors; the newly formed states require their own Leviathan so as to ensure that the lives of the former colonies are not, using Hobbes’ famous phrase, “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.”
While further evidence is certainly present for the above observations—the text is saturated with it—I feel it is more beneficial to set it aside and, for my rereading of the text, focus upon the presentation of the conceptualized-Us within the text. Each paper is addressed to “the People of the State of New York” but, because The Federalist Papers are attempting to argue in support of a larger state body, most references to ‘us’ and ‘we’ are speaking of all the citizens of former colonies. Like the manner in which Jefferson imagines Virginia in Notes, the authors of The Federalist Papers attempt to establish the ‘natural’ unity of the former colonies through establishing borders which unite the “connected, fertile, wide-spreading country” (Scigliano 2000: 8). Also similar to Jefferson’s Notes, The Federalist Papers seek to establish the community through shared identities:
“a people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same language, professing the same religion, . . . who, by their joint counsels, arms, and efforts, fighting side by side throughout a long and bloody war, have nobly established general liberty and independence,” (Scigliano 2000: 9).
Despite the reasons why the union is ‘natural’, the authors also argue that, if their union is not formalized within a single state, it will inevitably lead to competition and conflict over territory, commerce, the public debt, and so on. Looking beyond this realist belief that “neighboring nations . . . are naturally enemies of each other,” these conflicting positions warrant reflection (Mably, in Scigliano 2000: 33). John Jay (who authored “Federalist #2) and Alexander Hamilton (who authored the majority of The Federalist Papers, including Federalist # 6-8) seem to be of conflicting opinion here, the former arguing that we are one, and the latter arguing that we will only be one through mutual subservience to a single state abstraction. For Hamilton, in other words, the use of ‘we’ is tentative, dependent upon the ratification of the proposed constitution by all states. While not my focus in my initial reading or rereading of The Federalist Papers, further observations regarding the differences in presented belief between the three authors of the text would certainly be relevant and worthy of discussion.